Elliot Kaufman
WSJ, Mar. 30, 2023
“He was met immediately with a revolt not of Israel’s underclass, but its overclass. The military leadership threw its weight against the reform. The federation of labor unions called a general strike and shut down the major airport, much of the economy and the medical system, and even Israeli embassies.”
Israel’s “judicial revolution,” in which its high court claimed extraordinary powers, wasn’t achieved in a day. As the Israeli right has now learned, it won’t be undone in a day either.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s pause of judicial-reform legislation has demoralized right-wing Israelis, who complain that even when they win elections, they aren’t allowed to govern. The opposition, defeated at the polls, takes to the streets and brings the country to its knees until it gets its way.
There is truth behind the bitterness. But the Israeli opposition has its own tale of woe, complaining that Mr. Netanyahu has empowered extremists who target the court not for its democratic deficit but its defense of liberal values. Both sides claim that democracy is in danger, but each means something different by it. The right sees political and demographic trends heading its way and expects to win most future elections. It worries that the court won’t allow the people—most of whom will be its people—to rule. The center-left opposition sees the same trends and expects to lose most future elections. It worries that Israel’s elected rulers will trample on minority rights—its rights.
This is why Israel’s opposition now seeks a constitutional convention. It fears that it will never again have better leverage. The right wants something it can’t yet seize on its own; best to set the rules before it can.